《記者之聲》 2011年8月號目錄

專題:警權膨脹 七一夜踐踏採訪自由   Focus: Police Power Rises, Press Freedom Plummets
標題 Item Title
作者 Author
封面故事|警方不依《警察通例》行事
  2011年7.1遊行後,警察清場大舉拘捕二百多名示威者,清場期間一度出動胡椒噴霧鎮壓。部分當晚在場採訪的記者,亦受到警方不合理對待。最少19名前線記者被胡椒噴霧噴中......
雷子樂
封面故事|漫天開警誡線 記者採訪受阻
  採訪大型示威活動經驗不算很多,但今年「七一夜」身處其中,近距離經歷見證示威者、警員及新聞工作者的三方衝擊。......
何永康
封面故事|七一晚 我中椒
  七一當晚,我是悲喜交集的,喜是目睹港人願意向替補機制說不,為自己發聲。悲是飽受胡椒噴霧「招呼」及粗暴對待,頓覺警權日漸膨脹,由保護市民為主的公僕,降格至完成任務為上的執法機器。作為「中椒」記者,有必要來個足本播放細說當晚經過......
張家灝
封面故事|警員為何對我動粗?!
  踏入攝影記者生涯7年,採訪過不少大型示威,近年社運人士與警員埋身肉搏場面愈來愈多,警方部署更趨向嚴陣以待。夾縫中的記者,遭殃機會大增,七一夜就是一個明顯例子,警方發射胡椒噴霧,記者首當其衝......
廖雁雄
封面故事|採訪被當成疑犯 我感十分屈辱
  還在求學階段,已經踏足一名實習記者的道路。原因只有一個,就是這份工作太有意義了。在這個世代尤其有意義。在個人利益掛帥的今天,人要堅守人性價值不容易......
蔡珮雯
城中熱話|僭建風波席捲全港 傳媒聯手踢爆
黃偉駿
城中熱話|揭露僭建亂象 重建公義社會
杜耀明
記者之聲|入行一年 喜樂比痛苦多
莊丹娜
放眼國際|為何尼日利亞可以但香港不能? - IFEX會議見聞
麥燕庭
記協之聲|捍衛新聞自由 提升專業的一年 - 2010/2011年度執行委員會報告
香港記者協會
記協之聲|為您服務的新執行委員會
香港記者協會
記協之聲|記協七一遊行
香港記者協會
風聞|《晴報》面世 壹傳媒加入戰團 免費報業進入戰國時代
《記聲》
風聞|《南早》招聘大量人手挽士氣
《記聲》
記協之聲|週年晚宴圖片輯
香港記者協會
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Cover Story|Police abandon Police General Orders for July 1 confrontation
        After the July 1 demonstration police cleared the area with overwhelming force, arrested more than 200 demonstrators and, in the process, used peppersprays to subdue resistance. Some of the reporters on the spot were also roughly handled by the police. At least 19 frontline reporters were pepper-sprayed.......
Ken Lui
Cover Story|July 1 Protest: Reporters targeted by police
        I do not have much experience covering large-scale protests. But this year I was one of those at the scene of the scuffles which erupted in the evening of July 1. I was witness to the confrontation between the protestors, police and members of the press......
Ho Wing-hong
Cover Story|On the frontline: Pepper-sprayed by the police
        On the evening of July 1, I was stricken with grief and gladness at the same time......
Patrick Cheung Ka-ho
Cover Story|Photo-journalist: “Why was I roughed up?”
        I have covered many large-scale demonstrations during my seven years as a photo-journalist, but in recent times the police have tightened the net when dealing with protesters as the number of scuffles have risen......
Liu Ngan-hung
Cover Story|Arrested - a humiliating experience as a police suspect
        Journalism had me captivated while I was still a student. But it was not till I became an intern reporter that I began to understand the difficulties of upholding human values, especially in a money-oriented society.......
Kiri Choy
Talk of the Town|Media unite to spotlight the wrongs of the rich and famous – CE not excluded
Alvin Wong
Talk of the Town|Illegal structures scandalize highest levels of government
To Yiu-ming
Voice of Journalist|The joys of breaking into journalism
Tanna Chong
Voice of JA|Mongolia and Nigeria can have it but not Hong Kong...Why?
Mak Yin-ting
Voice of JA|Year in balance: Defending press freedom, promoting members' interests
HKJA
Voice of JA|The New Excom That Serves You
HKJA
Voice of JA|HKJA in July 1 march
HKJA
Gossip|Free-for-all in the mud with yet another freebie coming on-stream
"The Journalist"
Gossip|Posting all things bright and beautiful..at the Post
"The Journalist"
Voice of JA|HKJA 43rd Anniversary Gala Dinner
HKJA


警方不依《警察通例》行事 傳媒七一夜採訪遭殃

雷子樂 香港記者協會執委

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】2011年7.1遊行後,警察清場大舉拘捕二百多名示威者,清場期間一度出動胡椒噴霧鎮壓。部分當晚在場採訪的記者,亦受到警方不合理對待。最少19名前線記者被胡椒噴霧噴中、有記者向警察表明身份後,仍被警員故意用胡椒噴霧「兜口兜臉」施射、有記者被警察推撞甚至叉頸、按頭,更有前線記者竟被警察拘捕。 
警方叉頸按頭,出動手銬,記者也遭殃。 ( 明報提供圖片 )

警方在中環清場期間,封鎖線一度延伸至金鐘,並故意留難能清楚證明身份的電視台攝影師。

7月15日,香港記者協會及香港攝影記者協會五名代表與警察公共關係科會面,就警察當日暴力對待記者、嚴重侵犯採訪自由提出交涉。

記協、警方先就當日的封鎖線問題進行討論。

清塲期間不合理封鎖 

根據《警察通例》第39章,事發現場的警務人員「須以互諒互讓的態度,盡量配合傳媒工作;以及不應妨礙傳媒的攝錄工作」。

記協主席麥燕庭指出,警方清場期間,一度在現場作出不合理的封鎖,中環的清場行動,封鎖線一度伸延至金鐘!

記協表明警察行動期間,若在現場作出過份的封鎖並不合理,麥燕庭表示記協曾諮詢過人權律師的意見,得出結論是若作出過份的封鎖,情況等同「禁錮」。

警察公共關係科總警司李建輝在會議上回應指,警方採取行動時,一定要設鎖封線,目的之一是要在拘捕行動前,分隔開誰是參與者。他亦表示,清場期間,記者只要能展示證件,不會被拘捕。麥燕庭已即場表明,記者採訪,有需要在現場作出監察,不同意過份的封鎖,「不是你(警察)叫記者離開,記者就會離開,即使在中南海採訪,記者也是這樣」。

當日採訪示威期間,警察對部份能清楚表明身份的記者,曾作出阻撓,記協在會上亦有提出交涉。其中一名電視台攝影記者,將背包及記者證留在採訪車內抬著貼上電視台台徽的大型攝影機,到場採訪。警察仍堅持要他出示記者證,才能進入封鎖線內拍攝。電視台的記者已向警察表明攝影師確是他的同事,警察亦一度留難,雙方爭持了好一段時間,攝影師其後始獲放行。

記協代表在會上對此表示不滿,認為警方應採取靈活、彈性的手段處理事件,不要妨礙記者的正常採訪。

警方的代表堅持一定要出示有效證件,方能證實記者的身份。記協表示會提醒記者採訪要緊記攜帶證件,但對警察當時的官僚態度,仍是相當不滿。與會的記協代表質疑,該名攝影師當時抬著貼上台徽的大機,又有同事證實他的身份,「難道他會是個小偷,偷了電視台的攝錄機去扮記者嗎?」警方的代表其後也表示,類似情況警員應靈活處理。

表明記者身分 仍被按頭部鎮壓

清場期間最少19名記者被胡椒噴霧射中,記協在會議上表明,記者採訪期間,明白場面混亂,有隨時「中椒」的心理準備,若警察不是故意,記者也是無話可說。不過,記協指出,清場期間,有記者被警員故意推撞,有文字記者清楚向警員表明自己是在場採訪的記者後,仍被警員「兜口兜臉」噴中、有記者被警員故意按住頭部「鎮壓」,記協表明這是不可接受!
 
警方如臨大敵,胡椒噴霧對者示威者與傳媒。
警方代表指沒有收到有關的資料,又指有關情況不應出現,表示記者可以投訴。記協代表反駁指,在場採訪的記者,往往會將記錄現場情況視為首要任務,很少會花時間跟警察在這些事件上糾纏。筆者亦相信,但凡採訪過監警會新聞的同行,或多或少會對投訴警察機制的公信力有所質疑!
 
無理拘捕19歲實習記者 

另一宗令記協不滿的事件,是一名19歲實習記者,因沒攜帶記者證,清場期間被警察誤當成示威者錯誤拘捕。記協代表在會上指出,該名記者被捕一刻是站在電視台攝影師的「大機」旁,明顯是進行採訪。但警方的代表稱,該名記者當時未能出示證件,「現場亦沒報稱是記者」(這與該名記者的說法有出入)。警方代表又稱,她在口供紙上沒表明記者的身份。記協代表即場質疑,對調查程序最為了解的警務人員,究竟有否清楚告知她的權利,有否向她說明如有不滿可如何投訴?
   
清場期間不合理封鎖。
在會議前一天,警務處處長曾偉雄公開回應有關事件時,曾反駁說「冇人有特權」,指當晚的被捕者相信都是參與非法集會,又指責有人「一方面採取不合作態度,一方面透過公共媒體提出指控,是無助調查」。但筆者當日曾向該記者查詢,她表示當晚其實不斷向警察道明她正在採訪,只是警察不理會。她獲釋後,亦只知道12月要再回警署報到,並不知道可否在期間再向警方提供她不合理被捕的資料。
 
清場期間發生多宗記者受不合理干預事件,與會的警察公共關係科警司董偉璋表示,警察公共關係科的「傳媒隊」當日及在其他的大型活動中,也有派員到場作出協調。不過記協代表質疑,若「傳媒隊」能有效發揮作用,何以當晚仍會出現多宗不愉快事件。記協代表要求日後在採訪現場一旦發生「警記爭拗」,能否有一個即場的聯絡方法,如手提電話,可盡快找到「傳媒隊」人員到場調停。警方的回覆是,記者屆時可致電警察公共關係科的傳媒熱線!各位行家,請問你們對上一次能駁通警察公共關係科電話是在何時?
 
除了7.1遊行問題,記協及攝協代表還就中聯辦外的採訪限制作出投訴。攝協代表指出,警方最近禁絕記者在中聯辦外花槽這「有利位置」採訪,要記者進入中聯辦正門「斜對面」的採訪區拍攝。攝協代表指出,現場的警員不讓記者到花槽上採訪,理由是「站在花槽後危險」,但與此同時,又有警員可站在花槽上監視示威者。記協對警員這個「反智」的「理由」表示強烈不滿,要求警方撤銷有關採訪限制,警方代表答應,會向西區警署作跟進。記協立此存照!









漫天開警誡線 記者採訪受阻

何永康

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】採訪大型示威活動經驗不算很多,但今年「七一夜」身處其中,近距離經歷見證示威者、警員及新聞工作者的三方衝擊。

機動部隊在中銀對開列陣,重重包圍示威者。
七一夜有兩邊戰線,我較多時間身處中銀大廈對開「人民力量」示威群。當過千人遊行隊伍的龍頭尚在金鐘,機動部隊警員早於中銀大廈對開、橫跨兩邊行車線一字型列陣,擺開警方人鍊,背後再有重重警車。警方的佈置,視覺上已經示意:不許任何人再前進。

我當時心中第一個疑問,人民力量打算到禮賓府示威,那是山上的位置。若然在山腳已受阻,示威者會願意叫兩句口號就和平散去嗎?

現場吵鬧 預警聲音微弱

人民力量是相對較有組織的示威群,他們沒打算千人齊衝,找來幾十個壯丁刻意走前排。這幾十人臉戴面具,也有著名的立法會議員,大概佔據兩條行車線。兩邊則是簇擁著為數更多的新聞工作者,當中主要是估計一旦發生事故要第一時間拍下紀實的攝影記者。換言之,示威者前方身貼身,有相當部分是警員和記者。而我和兩位攝影同事身旁都是警員。

較後排的警員先拉起兩條橙色橫額,上面寫有警告字句:「警察封鎖線,不得越過」(Police Cordon, Do Not Cross)。隨後十幾米外,有警員用大聲公讀出警告說話。但聲音微弱,被現場嘈雜聲蓋過,我無法聽清楚內容,亦不肯定有多少人聽得到。

當雙方開始推撞。示威者與警員固然角力,記者就夾在中間,我和很多記者一起被猛力的擠出外圍,同一時間又不斷被警員推回去。說時遲,那時快,我還未懂得反應,喉嚨已感受一陣辛辣。警方已施放了第一次胡椒噴霧,第一排的記者已經悉數被射中。

警方先噴胡椒 後拉動武警告

疑問再來:警員明知眼前是一堆拿著相機攝影機的記者,都照推照撞照噴?

大家還未定神,四分鐘後,一位示威者向警員掟出如拳頭般大的雜物,警員即時再噴射胡椒噴霧。只見一線胡椒噴霧在我額前飛出,之後如雨灑下。這一輪,我的兩位攝影同事、和其他多位攝記面部和身體都被射中。我比較幸運,只有右手灼痛。

數秒鐘後,後排的警員才拉起另一幅紅色橫額:「停止衝擊,否則使用武力」(Stop Chargling, Or We Use Force)

或許有人質疑,「武力」定義是什麼,是否包括胡椒噴霧。然而警方這條紅色橫額,卻在第二次使用胡椒噴霧後才匆匆展示,是否來得太遲呢?

大會堂封鎖線長達「九里遠」

警方施胡椒噴霧,在採訪風眼的傳媒首當其衝。 ( 明報提供照片 )
隨後的個多小時後,人民力量與警方都冷靜下來。我被指派轉到干諾道中支援同事在外圍採訪社民連「馬路」的清場過程。清場位置是大會堂側,但我們步至「香港會」對開馬路已經被警員阻止前進,說任何人都不能再進入封鎖範圍。

我們是電視台記者,當時記者證放在採訪車上,但攝影器材咪高峰都有台徽標誌。站在封鎖線的警員說,任何人包括記者都不能前進。

疑問又來了,警方已經控制大局,並開始清場抬人。為何封鎖線還要封到「九里遠」? 其他記者亦遭受類似的對待。我們別無選擇,唯有多走幾步,繞過舊天星碼頭行人隧道,才成功到達大會堂。

在近日多次示威集會,警方是採用包圍式清理和拘捕,即當集會人士堵塞馬路後,警員在外圍重重包圍。集會人士即使已經冷靜下來,或不想再參加集會,或願意順應警方呼籲散去,均不可獲准離開。換言之,當他們被包圍後,肯定會被拘捕,最終目的地必然是警署。

警方部署一網打盡

在清場範圍內的記者亦一樣,要出示記者證,才可以離開。忘記帶記者證者,即使你手持印有台徽的重型攝影機,拿著腳架、鋼梯,都會被視為「懷疑示威者並企圖逃走」。過程中,我們幾經交涉,最後驚動指揮官到場,才可以離開。

這一點亦說明當晚人權監察羅沃啟先生以觀察員身份身處其中並留守至最後一刻,最後卻差點被警方拘捕,完全出於警方「一網打盡的部署」。

警方可能會怪記者,明知有亂還要跑在最前,但傳媒的責任永遠在第一線,忠實紀錄下將會發生或者可能發生的事。此外有人要濫用自由,濫用權力,都應該在我們監察範圍之內。




七一晚 我中椒

張家灝 經濟日報前記者

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】七一當晚,我是悲喜交集的,喜是目睹港人願意向替補機制說不,為自己發聲。悲是飽受胡椒噴霧「招呼」及粗暴對待,頓覺警權日漸膨脹,由保護市民為主的公僕,降格至完成任務為上的執法機器。作為「中椒」記者,有必要來個足本播放細說當晚經過。首先聲明,年資尚淺的我,已在多次採訪示威新聞期間,遭受過警方惡意阻撓,老實說,對於警方手法不存好感,這篇文章說不上客觀,請容許我加句高登術語:「不喜勿插」。

遊行初時平靜  中銀大廈前警佈防

當晚有兩大戰場,我負責採訪人民力量一方的情況,由灣仔遊行至中環,其實沿途可說極之平靜,事先完全無如箭在弦的緊張,人民力量成員每走數十步就坐下數分鐘,聆聽黃毓民指揮講話。警方默默在旁跟隨,並無發出任何警告訊號,任由人民力量繼續遊行,直到人民力量抵達中銀大廈附近,警方突然佈陣。

我的臉部中了警員數掌。(廖雁雄攝)
他們築起兩排人牆設置封鎖線,後方則有持盾防暴警察作戒備,再後方還有數百名警員隨時支援。大約11時30分,前排警員開始收緊封鎖線(片二),驅趕記者,但此時氣氛仍不算緊張,因為警方未有發出任何勸喻,更莫論有預告會發射胡椒噴霧。

警察與示威者這樣對峙逾十五分鐘後,人民力量黃毓民突然走近警察封鎖線,大批記者包圍採訪,黃毓民向記者表明,他們會正式「走向」警察封鎖線,還要求「記者行過少少,否則你們影唔到。」

本來過程尚算平靜,但黃毓民話畢後,其身後大批人民力量成員開始慢慢湧上前方,演變成近百名示威者以包著前排十多名記者(包括我在內)的人肉方陣形式,湧向警方長長的封鎖線。

當時我被身後一股龐大力量推向警員堆,我一觸碰到那批警員時,他們立即將我推回示威者一方,雙方正式展開衝突。  

我高舉記者証 仍遭粗暴對待

那時我已經高舉雙手、手持記者證,向警員示意我們的身份,大叫「推湧上前的只是後排示威者」。但警員似乎無視我的說話,一邊向我們高呼「你唔好亂黎」、「你試下再推」、「你想襲警呀」等字眼,激動的程度較示威者有過之而無不及。一邊又以「相撲手」形式不斷伸掌推打(片一)我們,如果警方說這是克制的防守動作,我會形容他們是進行「攻擊性防守」,當晚我的頸部及面部亦中了數掌。 

示威者及警方同時間扭作一團,推撞了半分鐘左右,作為「夾心」的我及數名行家都已被推倒在地上,正當我欲回身站起來,向警察投訴人群當中有記者之際,說時遲那時快,一位站在第三排的督察突然作出「後排攻擊」,向我發射胡椒噴霧。當時我只顧與第一排的警察理論,根本未有聽到警方作出任何警告,亦估不計到他們會突然使用武器,所以我在完全無防備的狀態下,頭髮、眼部、口部及頸部都「完全中椒」。

有一點不得不讚,「中椒」後的我完全張不開眼睛,失明了約5分鐘,幸好有警員將我拉離戰場,不停幫我以清水洗眼,才得以重見天日。

之後我走向該名向我發射胡椒噴霧的督察理論,並表明記者身份。我先問他為何要發射胡椒噴霧,以及為何沒有事前警告。但他只拋下一句:「我唔理,我只係見到你衝埋?!」

後記:

事後我回看錄影片段,發現警方曾在發射胡椒噴霧期間,在後排向示威人士出示警告橫額(片三),但當時過百人扭在一團,不少行家及示威者已經倒在地上,試問當時千軍萬馬混亂之中,有誰會留意到後排哪一小塊警告標語?而且警方一直未有證據,證明他們是「事前」作出警告。

記者被當作示威者般粗暴對待,並不是第一次。去年政改「起錨」高官出巡時,警方也將記者視之為示威者,處處百般阻撓。究竟警方有否尊重新聞自由?

記者的確沒有特權,但不代表警察可以沒有事先警告下胡亂對公眾人士與記者使用暴力。我當晚夾在示威者與警方之中,除了描述我的親身經歷之外,我在網上搜尋了數條當晚短片,作為我的文字更全面的補白。


延伸觀看:

片一http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T4oG4boHquQ(04:50、08:40)


片二http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l3xZ793b5UY&feature=related


片三http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RqfItr0HV-4



警員為何對我動粗?!

廖雁雄 攝影記者

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】踏入攝影記者生涯7年,採訪過不少大型示威,近年社運人士與警員埋身肉搏場面愈來愈多,警方部署更趨向嚴陣以待。夾縫中的記者,遭殃機會大增,七一夜就是一個明顯例子,警方發射胡椒噴霧,記者首當其衝。

當晚,人民力量遊行到中銀大廈外,警方在現場部署過百警力阻止示威者繼續前進。我與各傳媒行家約30至40人,得知示威者將衝擊警方防線後,即紛紛搶佔有利位置,準備拍攝雙方接觸時的情況。

眼見數十名示威者互纏手臂,一字排開,形成人牆,與警方對峙,作出隨時衝擊準備。這時採訪記者變成夾在示威者與警方人牆之間,進退兩難。
記者也被警方暴力推撞,當場理論也是徒然。( 明報提供照片 )

不久,警察與示威者互相展開推撞,現場情況混亂,雙方夾著記者前衝,我看見有示威者及警員在衝擊中倒地。

先中胡椒噴霧後被推跌

情況愈趨失控,有在場人士向警員投擲水樽,警方馬上將行動升級,試圖控制現場,我目睹有記者被警方暴力推撞,警方一度施放胡椒噴霧,場面混亂下,不單有警員「中招」,夾在示威者與警方中間的許多同行,都不幸被噴中,我是其中的一個,幸而胡椒噴霧未有傷及我的眼睛,除了面部灸痛外,還能繼續工作,但有不少行家在警方胡椒噴霧攻擊下,被噴中眼睛,需忍耐痛苦以清水沖洗。

當我準備繼續拍攝之際,有一名警員突然走近我,正面用力按著我的肩膀,雖然我身上沒有掛上記者證,但已即時大叫數聲,表明我的記者身份,但對方並不理會,試圖將我的身體壓下,直到我失去平衡倒地。我雖然沒有受傷,但感到十分無奈,深知即使與該名警員理論也是徒然,唯有爬起繼續攝影採訪工作。

我明白出現混亂場面,身處當中的記者如能在顯眼位置掛上記者證,對自己也是一種保障。但當時警方應是很清楚夾著中間有一批抓著大相機的採訪傳媒。我很想弄明白,對我動粗的警員是依據什麼理由,對我採取粗暴行動?

警方識別攝影師有何困難?

當晚我只是進行採訪拍攝,並沒有對任何人構成危害。據我所知,有電視台攝影師受到警員更暴力對待,也有攝影師聲稱混亂間曾被警員打。我不理解警方對於識別揹著重型攝影器材的攝影師,有何困難?我亦有疑問為何警員處理場面時,做不到警方經常聲稱會協助記者採訪的原則?是前線的執行者溝通出現問題,還是原則有變?有關問題若不能溝通與改善,同樣衝突只會在每一次大型示威中重覆出現,無日無之。

示威後期,當警方逐一抬走示威者階段,警民關係科人員才到場,這時採訪秩序才有改善。我明白示威情況千變萬化,每次均可能出現不同局面,但站在記者立場,我們只希望將現場情況拍下,並非站在警方對立面,記者們需要的不是特權,但我希望警方能理解攝影記者採訪時,不能被局限於特定位置,尤其是這種隨時有機動變化的大型示威,記者一定要有較大彈性,有需要時可自由走動拍攝。




採訪被當成疑犯 我感十分屈辱

蔡珮雯 新唐人電視台實習記者

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】還在求學階段,已經踏足一名實習記者的道路。原因只有一個,就是這份工作太有意義了。在這個世代尤其有意義。在個人利益掛帥的今天,人要堅守人性價值不容易。傳媒亦承受重大考驗,壓力下低頭的,傾向選擇性報導某些受欺壓群眾,未能始終以大眾利益為依歸。但是,透過媒體以全面掌握社會不同類型的真相對於人們而言又實在太重要了。那就由我做記者吧,我想,我一定要做好。因此毅然加入一個獨立於任何財團或政體的電視台,新唐人電視台,燃起自己的一點燭光。

七一當晚,到干諾道中目標只有一個,就是攝錄街頭示威事件實況,履行職責。結果竟被警察當成示威者拘捕。

當晚經過

當一些位高權重的人公開說一些與事實不符的話,我只能以事實真相擋之。
當晚我逾十一時到現場,警察手拉手圍住遍地示威者。我在外圍拍攝,只能勉強拍到入面鏡頭。我身旁一名警員見狀,指示我前面手拖手的兩名警員,說讓她也進去吧,不用她拍得那麼辛苦。˼ 接着,兩警員鬆開手,讓我進去拍。

我跟其他新聞工作者一起拍攝場面一直到清場完畢,我整晚沒有坐過。當所有坐在一起的示威者都被拘捕後,指揮警察開始把目光轉向我們這群站在一旁拍的記者,指令要查我們有無記者證,沒有證的都要帶回警署。警察先問我身旁手執相機拍攝的男士有無記者證,接著他被帶走。然後警察問我。我表明是記者,出來時匆忙間忘了帶記者證,指揮警察要帶走我。就這樣,凌晨兩點,我被帶上警車。

監視我的警員告訴我,回警署後,公司傳真一封信來,核實我的記者身份,就沒有問題了。我按照她所要求的,打電話要同事傳真信件到警署。凌晨四點,香港仔警署收到該信。我詢問警員是否可放我了。她說要等CID表態。我問她要等多久,她推說不知。

就這樣等到清晨六點才到我,我才知道要落口供。這位警員對該警員說我是記者,公司已傳真文件核實身份。該警員完全沒問我之前一晚的事,只是索取更多個人資料。然後要我簽名認同他們。

完事後,又回房等。接著,我被帶去打手指模。我不肯簽同意書。警員訛稱同意書與手指模無關,打手指模是必須的,該條文是指其他個人資料,哄我簽了。然後,按着我的手指,打了十隻手指和手掌模。他們要求我手拿一張印有編碼的白色A4紙拍正面照及側面照。整個過程,我被當成疑犯對待,內心有說不出的屈辱。

接著我和示威者一起等保釋,等了逾兩小時。初初監警說要付保釋金,問我身上有幾多錢。後來,警員告訴全部人自簽擔保就可以走。警員表示不簽不可以放我走。議論不果,我在早上十一時自簽離開。

後記

記得在警車上,女警語重深長地對我說,你以後還是別去那種地方採訪了。我不明白去哪採訪跟她有什麼關係,不過,仍告訴她,我下次都會去,下次我一定有帶記者證,那不就可以了嗎?女警當下無言。

關心我的人,問我發生了這事,會因害怕而以後不幹這工作嗎?我堅定告訴他們,該做的事,一定會繼續做。事實上,會因此而放棄的人,當初又是為了甚麼而開始呢?社會最大的可惜,莫過於該怕的人不怕,不該怕的人卻不理智地怕了。

無端遭了這等罪,幸好內心有平靜,平靜源於信仰。自己沒有做對不起大家的事,又有甚麼好怕呢?是非黑白不會為要顛倒它的人而有絲毫改變。我不但有在場的所有眼睛為證,還有天地為證。

壓力,是有的。當一些位高權重的人公開說一些與事實不乎的話,說你參與示威,此時的我只剩下事實的真相當自己的擋箭牌。我亦因此見識到,我們平時從新聞聽到後所能相信的,或謹謹要知道一件事的最起碼事實,也不是那麼容易。

在警署坐着等侯時,我望着四周的環境,感覺很唏噓。究竟是為了甚麼?我就是太清楚,不是為了自己。當晚,我可以告訴大家,我為大家付出了,希望你們從新聞報導得益更多。


僭建風波席捲全港 傳媒聯手踢爆

黃偉駿 蘋果日報記者

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】申訴專員公署在4月中發表調查報告,批評地政總署與屋宇署兩大部門,在處理新界丁屋僭建問題上執法不力。其實申訴專員公署批評丁屋僭建,幾乎每隔數年一次,由於問題沒解決,每次都是老調重彈,社會上無人留意。但今次引起出乎意料的巨大迴響與連鎖效應,高官、政客、名人寓所僭建,連特首曾蔭權也不倖免,僭建風暴席捲全港,為時一個多月。

報告在4月發表後,輿論最初針對新界僭建丁屋,丁屋本身已被視為原居民特權,丁屋僭建變相合法,城市人一定視之為特權之中的特權。

新界鄉事派對今次報告反應相當大,他們本來已和政府商討「理順」僭建,今年初各鄉事委員會換屆,一批立場較激進的鄉紳當選,他們主張向政府強硬抗爭,夕陽政府弱勢,鄉事派不斷造勢,要求爭取僭建合法化。

發展局局長林鄭月娥即使妥協容許72年後建成的丁屋,天台的半層僭建物可以透過登記換取暫緩清拆,變相合法化,但原居民堅持,舊契村屋不應有任何高度限制。鄉議局內的鷹派甚至形容,這些高於3層的村屋室內面積細小,居住狀況甚至慘過劏房,指鹿為馬的程度拍得上替補機制。之後鄉事派上街示威,政府未來是否明確執法,有待時間證明。

各大傳媒在這次僭建風波,罕見地扮演了「聯手踢爆採訪」的功能,幾近連續一個月( 見表 ),行家們以競賽速度鬥快揭發高官、名人的寓所僭建,幾乎每隔數天又會有新個案上A1,而且官階越揭越高、越揭越知名,傳媒這次聯合發揮有效的監督作用,給政府重大壓力,不得不正視問題。

追蹤陳鑑林霸地引發第一波

蘋果日報對追蹤僭建新聞發起了第一波,起源自一個投訴,對象是立法會議員陳鑑林,投訴內容本身資料不清,只提及沙田一條村內,有一個立法會議員在村屋對開霸佔官地,經過再追問,才知道對方是陳鑑林。

孫明揚屋子僭建遭釘契,仍置之不理。
追查並不困難,目標已經明確,記者就上門查證,輕易在村內發現陳鑑林所霸官地的位置,雖然僭建風波後來鬧大,但當時追查的目標是霸地而非他的丁屋僭建,我有一個習慣,做這類新聞時,一般會拍下對方的樓宇,方便紀錄及進一步跟進其他新聞。憑多年跟進地政新聞的經驗,在現場已經發現陳鑑林的天台似乎有僭建物。

證據到手,接下來向地政部門查證,相信行家都會知道,政府的回覆往往要數天甚至超過一周,而且亦未必會正面回答問題,甚至等候數天後,只得一句「有關部門正跟進事件」,亦是常見,記者若只是等待政府回覆,新聞就不用做了。

有了照片,便找工程師等專業人士,去判斷村屋有否僭建。新界丁屋的設計劃一,處理上較簡單,其他樓宇可能就要再找出建築圖則對照。

完成了這則新聞後,蘋果日報跟進僭建新聞本已告一段落,沒想到這則報道,卻引來行家的競爭意識,被揭僭建的達官貴人層出不窮。在這種情況下,我也開始了大規模的追查,找到王國興、林瑞麟、唐英年家族等物業都有僭建,加上行家的努力,僭建新聞一波接一拍,幾乎天天新鮮,天天見報。

潘潔孫明揚寓所僭建令事件鬧大

在多名鄉委會與民建聯成員的新界村屋寓所,相繼被揭發僭建或霸地後,僭建風暴開始波及特區政府的管治班子。最先是環境局副局長潘潔位於大埔的寓所,被揭發圍封露台,隨後是教育局局長孫明揚的跑馬地寓所,被揭發僭建了多年,甚至遭屋宇署釘契仍然置之不理,最離譜是被釘契的時間,更是發生在他擔任前房屋及規劃地政局局長期間,而負責將他寓所釘契的屋宇署,正是他掌管的部門之一,事件除了反映為官多年的孫公有法不依,更顯示處理僭建物的機制對業主毫無阻嚇力。

特首物業違規入高潮

特首麥當奴道的物業,露台以玻璃密封,證實違規。
整個僭建風暴由新界鄉紳、立法會議員、高官一步一步逼近高潮,5月底特首曾蔭權位於半山麥當勞道的物業,被傳媒揪出違例以巨型玻璃幕牆密封露台,而同一日,曾班子幾名成員,包括政務司司長唐英年的父親、政制及內地事務局局長林瑞麟、行政會議成員梁智鴻也被揭發物業有僭建。曾蔭權最初回應傳媒時強辯,密封露台未必有問題。事實上,類似曾蔭權物業的舊樓將露台密封,全港比比皆是,曾蔭權的回應,某程度也反映了不少舊樓業主不熟悉法例。最終屋宇署經過一日一夜緊急會議後,判定曾蔭權寓所露台是非法圍封,曾蔭權被逼要公開承諾清拆。

這些僭建報道,十有八九是來自市民舉報。老實說,僭建存在已久,很多人都會問,是否平日就無人舉報呢?我和許多投訴人談過,有人是自身的僭建被政府拆掉,然後發現住在旁邊的達官貴人有僭建卻無須處理,覺得並不公平;有人是單純的路見不平,自己物業並無問題。正是因為僭建過於常見,他們均未意識到「原來僭建是新聞」,所以見到有傳媒把僭建報道放在A1頭條,全都忽然醒覺過來。

一切都由一則投訴開始。老實說,如果陳鑑林的僭建投訴是在前幾年的某一天報道,極有可能被當作一般投訴處理。政府的弱勢、申訴專員的報告,都造就了這一系列新聞。這次事件可以看到,傳媒除了被動報道,亦可透過調查報道,揭露眾人早已麻木的社會不公,監督政府正視問題改進。只要事件的確是市民平日心中所想所念,一旦喚起他們的關注,他們更會和傳媒互動發聲。

依賴讀者爆料

不少僭建個案雖是靠讀者報料,但報料人往往只提供一、兩句線索,例如「林瑞麟家中有僭建」,地址、何種僭建都不會透露。查證過程中,最困難的是找出物業正確位置,要找出大廈的單位平面圖,有時並不輕易,以林瑞麟個案為例,筆者翻查了屋宇署多幅建築圖則,及多次對比現場照片後,才敢肯定林瑞麟寓所的正確位置。

找到物業,要再找出僭建物所在。若跟屋宇署建築圖則不符的搭建物,便可歸類為僭建物。以特首曾蔭權的麥當勞道寓所為例,單位是密封了露台,便與圖則不符。

但根據《建築物條例》F章第11條(1984年版),業主有權以五種不同方式,包括金屬或硬木製仿玻璃窗、玻璃塊、磚塊、混凝土,或任何獲屋宇署批准的物料圍封露台。有關條文直至1992年才廢除,這些複雜的法例歷史,往往很難搞清楚。就曾蔭權的個案,屋宇署更補充,需視乎圍封後會否影響通風、採光等,決定是否要拆除,反映法例有大量灰色地帶。

在僭建風暴最初期的報道中,行家們多數靠與當事人對質、及找專家從照片中驗證,去確定對方的物業是否有僭建,不少當事人由於心虛,多數向記者直認不諱,但並非每次都萬試萬靈。名嘴鄭經翰在山頂種植道21號的豪宅天台,搭建了一間玻璃屋,有市民向筆者任職的報館報料,鄭經翰最初矢口否認有僭建,一時說筆者弄錯,一時又說有入則申請。筆者本來也被名嘴「嚇窒」,幸好慎重起見,到屋宇署查核了建築圖則,才證實大班的寓所天台,的確沒有屋宇署准建的玻璃屋。






揭露僭建亂象 重建公義社會

杜耀明 香港浸會大學新聞系助理教授

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】如果說八十後地產經紀年賺百萬放上報章頭條,是讓世人驚嘆年青人「錢途似咁」,五月以來傳媒浪接一浪報道有頭有面人物寓所有僭建物,又豈止駭人聽聞,更是警世鐘和旱天雷,一面為達官貴人的僭建行為跌破社會的政治道德底線而亮起紅燈,一面不斷狙擊那些敷衍塞責甚至知法犯法的庸官俗吏。民望徘徊低谷的特區政府,結果只有進一步瀕臨信譽破產的邊緣。

申訴專員公署四月下旬發表調查報告,批評新界丁屋僭建問題嚴重。傳媒其後跟進調查,先後發現多位鄉事領袖、立法會議員、知名人物的新界寓所均有僭建物,申訴專員起初訂下的社會議程──新界土地的非法使用,遂加上新焦點──達官貴人的罔顧法規、以身試法。其中環境局副局長潘潔的大埔寓所被發現有多處違規建築,更將傳媒的視線導向官員身上。

議員官員特首難倖免

經過再一輪的挖掘,傳媒揭露的僭建問題看來比申訴專員的結論更為嚴峻。一方面,僭建不是一時一地的異象,而是廣佈全港的常見情況,一些社會名流和政界人物的巿區住所、豪門大宅以至山頂物業,都發現或多或少的違規建築。另一方面,違規者的身份不限於社會知名人士,更包括本港權力核心的成員,如政府部門首長、問責局長、行政會議成員,甚至是行政長官曾蔭權自己。其中以屋宇署署長區載佳的寓所涉嫌違規改建、教育局局長孫明揚跑馬地寓所因僭建物而被「釘契」兩案最是匪夷所思,因為前者帶領的屋宇署正是懲處僭建者的執法部門,而後者被「釘契」時正好是負責土地規劃和房屋政策的特區政府問責局長。

傳媒追捕凝聚公眾壓力

連番揭露加上不停追問,傳媒的效用立竿見影。它既能有效凝聚公眾壓力,也快速聚焦於達官貴人身上。不少知名人士和政府官員迫於無奈,盡速清除僭建物。一些政黨亦立即加強內部監察,要求黨內議員申報僭建情況。政府因應形勢,表明立場,聲言必定執法之餘,更強調一視同仁,沒有城鄉差異,不會優待丁屋業主。心存僥倖的官員如潘潔和孫明揚,起初還顧左右而言他,企圖敷衍傳媒,避談責任,但眾目睽睽、千夫所指下,窘相畢現,最終也不得不公開認錯。至於屋宇署長,儘管他辯稱其住宅的改建工程已獲該署批核,無須清拆,他也沒有道歉,卻難逃傳媒的批評,指他不避嫌疑,由下屬審批上司申請,有欠公允。

今次僭建風波,足見傳媒的監察力,甚至大於有法定權力的申訴專員。傳媒的監察力看似虛無縹緲,其實是大義凛然,是道義力量的集結,而其起點往往是不畏強權、鞭撻濫權者的調查報道,再由此引發社會共鳴,滙聚民意力量,對準劣紳庸官施壓。大義凛然的調查報道不單單是揭露醜聞,報道事實,而是報道可以喚起人心關注公義的社會實況。

公義任踐踏

如僭建風波,傳媒有力引領民情,關鍵是突顯了社會公義不斷受到挑戰。首先,香港是法治社會,法律面前人人平等,大家引以為榮,但新界不僅有鄉紳自己僭建,更膽敢要求政府只能理順不能執法,而政府又默不作聲,是否變相允許特權?其次,傳媒個多月來揭發了三十多宗達官貴人、鄉紳名流的僭建事件,違規者起初都有恃無恐,特區政府卻若無其事,令人懷疑政府是否失去維護公義的能力?其三,負責執法的部門首長竟然不避嫌疑,讓下屬批核其住所改建工程的申請,是否無視利益衝突,顛覆行之有效的程序公義?其四,問責局長五年前給屬下部門釘契,卻無動於衷,一於懶理政府的警戒,抗命至今,目無法紀。如此紀律不靖、有法不依,特區政府執行的法律還可以當真嗎?
可見,記者不單揭露達官貴人的僭建實情,也讓大家體會隱伏實情背後的更大社會災難──公義任人踐踏、政府束手無策。有說記者只揭社會瘡疤,只懂報道社會陰暗面,做法消極,但這些標籤不能抹殺的是,記者報道僭建問題反映公義受到踐踏,傳媒暴露權貴顛覆秩序揭示公義缺席,正是立足於深植人心、不容侵損否則人人得而誅之的價值共識,其公義訴求力可喚醒民眾正視問題,督促政府撥亂反正,重建社會秩序。記者批判報道表面浮露的叛逆精神,其實是基於對社會核心價值的維護、信守和忠誠。

圖片說明:
Illegal Pink Building StructureBW
新界丁屋僭建三層變五層


入行一年 喜樂比痛苦多

莊丹娜 《南華早報》記者

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】五月的第一個星期天,難得不用上班,與家人吃午餐,無線互動新聞台報導着記協薪酬調查結果,記者協會主席麥燕庭說,受訪記者月薪中位數是12001至15000元的級別,七成半記者的薪酬是二萬元或以下,只有百分之七的薪酬高於三萬元,三成記者打算在兩年內將轉業。

薪酬調查 媽媽有微言

媽媽放下手上的咖啡,眉頭一皺:「哪些老闆有甚麼理由刻薄到如此地步?」

媽媽到一個月後還是不能自已,常常左一句:「那薪酬調查很嚇人。」,右一句:「究竟拿著哪薪水怎麼養家。」小妹已受聘於薪水相對較好的《南華早報》,早已對家母的微言見怪不怪了,也明白她是無心冒犯的,我已經知道她一下句想說:「有十年經驗的薪水也沒有怎麼上升,沒前景啊,不要做吧。」婆婆這時候就會加一句:「對啊,又辛苦,我寧願你打份安安穩穩朝九晚五的寫字樓工!」

我也想到以社會使命感和無可比擬的滿足感這兩個論點去跟她們辯論。縱使她們不會明白,然後就會說一句「嘥氣啦。」薪酬調查仍未幫到我加人工,但已經增添應付家人的壓力。

莊丹娜攝於立法會大樓惜別日
去年六月大學畢業後,我加入《南早》擔任記者至今。剛過去的六月,我收到公司的電郵邀請,總編輯希望跟新記者聚餐,了解他們的工作期望,那一刻有點百感交集。我已不是「新」記者了,只是因為我加入《南早》的頭十個月是按日薪員工條件聘用,所以仍不是《南早》正式員工,雖然我每天在《南早》出入,但我沒有工作證、公司也不會印卡片給我們這些日薪的同事。

到今年四月,我才成為正式月薪員工,看著終於擁有的個人員工證,終於享有有薪假期,有年終薪酬檢討了。第一秒我感動得想哭,下一秒卻在苦笑問:「為什麼要我天天賣命的公司,認同我是他們一份子是那麼困難?又回到老問題,是否我表現太差劣了嗎?」

我是貼近九○年的八十後,那些「年輕人工作態度懶散差劣」的說法聽得太多,還記得剛入職時擔心採主的看法,上級交下任何即日或儲稿命令,我也不會推卻,即使當天身上已纏著十件待辦事情,我也會說﹕「我今晚在家做。」有一段時間,一星期總有數天帶著一堆文件回家,匆匆吃飯後又繼續埋首電腦。我有寫多些報道嗎?沒有,因為這些工作大多是繁多乏味的資料輸入。是因為很熱心工作嗎?也算是,但最重要的原因是缺乏安全感。

對,是怕被炒。

當好記者要持久戰

丟了工作大可再找,更可給媽媽一絲我會轉行的希望。但我頗肯定記者以外找不了如此多變有趣的工作。

對新人來說,記者的工作大開眼界,但挫敗也有很多...例如稿件被大幅刪改、棄稿也不會通知我。我也明白「新嚟新豬肉」的道理,有時也質疑自己是否太蠢,文筆太差?我曾發夢看見編輯把我的稿件改得面目全非的整個過程,夢醒時一身冷汗。

我非常認同新記者需要耐心、虛心的學習,假以時日做到好新聞,才能獲得受訪者以至社會的尊重。但我有時候在想,人和人之間最基本的尊重呢?就當退一步,改了或沒了也起碼告知一聲,好嗎?

但回顧這一年,還是喜樂遠比痛苦多。在小妹所在的政治版,有幸得到各前輩關照,也有同期入職的大學同學互相扶持,經驗老到的同事十分照顧,當我有問題不得不打擾他們時,就算他們手上有工作在手時也會不厭其煩地給我指引。今年二月公司週年晚宴,我和三位同事組隊參與才藝表演,一舉奪冠...每當想到這一切,我的首年記者生涯其實很幸福,縱使每天面對喘不過氣的工作,家人每週要我轉工的催促。

眨眼就一年了,自覺除了要多看、多聽、多問外,也要加倍努力學習如何和上級相處,盡量不辜負他們期望之餘,也不要讓自己太勞累。因為大學老師和前輩也說過:「當一位好記者是一場持久戰。」所有新入職的行家們,一起加油!互勉之。


為何尼日利亞和蒙古行,香港不行? --- IFEX會議見聞

麥燕庭 香港記者協會主席

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】「尼日利亞數日前剛通過資訊自由法,正好讓我們分享他們的經驗。」當「國際表達自由交流」組織請來的研討會主持人介紹講者奧浩(EdetaenOjo)時,我不禁納悶:連西非都有四個國家訂定了資訊自由法,為什麼號稱尊重自由、透明施政的香港政府,反而遲遲不願立法保障港人的資訊自由權利?

更令我感到香港落於人後、市民權利保障不足的是,當我從黎巴嫩的會議返港後一星期左右,連毗鄰中國的蒙古(亦稱外蒙,以別於中國境內的內蒙)亦在六月十六日通過《資訊、透明、獲取資訊自由與權利法案》,並定於本年十二月生效。

缺乏資訊自由法保障,香港傳媒較易受擁有大量公共資訊的政府操控。
連蒙古在內,全球現時至少有六十八個國家的人民可以利用資訊自由法向政府索取資料,其中,南非的「資訊自由推動法」更容許國民向私營機構索取資料。

至於仍在法例草擬或國會商議程序的,亦有十數個國家,南美洲的巴西是其中之一。但曾是先行者的香港,現在卻遠遠地落後於國際趨勢。

曾是先行者

在香港記者協會和部分立法會議員推動下,香港於一九九五年通過一分沒有法律約束力的《公開資料守則》,容許市民向政府部門和各級法院與調查小組索閱資料,而且豁免範圍過於廣泛,這雖未盡人意,但至少是開了一個頭:當時全球只有十餘個國家擁有相關法例,甚至是管治香港的英國亦未有就此立法。

隨著時間轉移,《守則》的不足日漸浮現,首先是《守則》的十六大類三十三個細項「可拒絕披露」資料涵蓋太過廣泛,以致很多資料都可以被政府部門或公共機構拒絕提供。

最明顯的佐證是向申訴專員投訴政府拒絕披露資訊的個案日漸上升,宗數由零六年的五宗,上升至零八年的二十五宗,可能是由於投訴上升,申訴專員主動作出調查,並在去年初發表報告,指「儘管《守則》已推行了十多年,職員對條文仍是一知半解,…有些職員在拒絕披露資料時沒有說明理由,或所述理由並無載列於《守則》內」,專員並循此指出培訓和宣傳不足等技術問題,至於守則的內容和不具法律效力的基本問題則沒有觸及。

既然基本缺失未受挑戰,港府自然樂於只是按申訴專員的建議加強宣傳,而不處理訂定資訊自由法的問題,進一步拖慢了港人知情權受法律保障的機會。但這拖延可能很快會受到聯合國人權委員會的挑戰。

未必符合人權公約

人權委員會已於本年四月通過第三十四號「一般意見」草稿,當中指明,《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》第十九條的表達自由條款包含市民可以獲取公共團體資訊的權利,這權利同時賦權新聞工作者獲取公共事務資訊,而普羅大眾則有權接收傳媒報道。

「國際表達自由交流」在黎巴嫩舉行年會暨研討會,與會者交流爭取訂定資訊自由法的經驗。
為了令這種獲取資訊的權利得以落實,人權委員會指出,政府須主動把公眾利益相關的資訊,以簡易、快捷和有效可行的辦法置於公共領域,讓市民可以隨時索閱,製訂資訊自由法是其中一種方法。

人權委員會將於七月中再就草稿舉行會議,相信很快便會通過整分「一般意見」,若香港政府仍拒絕立法,可能會被指違反公約的規定。

除了基本人權須受保障外,資訊自由法亦可營造開放透明的環境,這對營商的重要性,不言而喻。當亞洲區內的日本、台灣、南韓、馬來西亞、印尼和中國大陸都已製訂相關法例,方便商界獲取作出商業決定的資訊時,港府為何仍然甘心落於人後?甘冒把渴求資訊的商人推給其他國家的風險?甚至朝著行事日益隱密的方向發展?


捍衛新聞自由 提升專業的一年 2010/2011年度執行委員會報告

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】香港記者協會捍衛新聞自由的形象一貫是突出的,但在2010/11年度內,相信業界和社會均會認同,記協在爭取業界和會員福利方面的工作同樣觸目,使本會兩大範疇的工作取得更佳的平衡。

在捍衛新聞自由方面,記協就此發出六分聲明、一次記者會、兩次去信中聯辦、一次去信衛生署及跟政府新聞處、警方和消防處官員會面。大部分聲明是回應本港記者於內地進行正常採訪工作時受到無理的打壓和指控,其餘則涉及突發新聞發放及廣告收入影響編採自主等事件。(詳見附表一)

但記協不光是狹隘地捍衛新聞自由,言論自由亦是我們的爭取目標。在本屆任期內,記協為此向當局提交一分意見書、發出兩分聲明、參與一次請願和合辦一次燭光晚會。

孜孜不倦爭取會員福利

作為業界惟一的工會,記協向來把會員福利放在首位。在過去一年,我們舉辦了十二次活動和合辦三項新聞獎,有關活動以提升業界專業水平為目標,也有為學生會員而設的職業講座。首次舉辦的「財經新聞工作坊」吸引超逾一百名記者參與,觀乎參加人數之多,執委會相信,我們是走對了路子。

立足工會立場,記協持續跟進傳媒落實五天工作制的情況,並就新聞工作者的薪酬進行調查及參與五一勞動節遊行,有關調查在業界與社會均引起迥響,本會期望,勞資雙方能對症下藥,紓緩問題,挽留人才,使業界水平得以提升。

記協另一強項是與國際新聞自由和新聞專業組織的緊密關連。除了參與國際或區域組織的聯合行動、派員參加國際組織會議之外,本會更不時應國際組織或使節之邀,簡介香港新聞和言論自由情況,讓他們更瞭解相關發展,主席麥燕庭及榮譽秘書曾錦雯分別參與了國際表達自由交流(IFEX)及國際記者聯盟的會議,而本會每年出版的香港言論自由年報更是國際社會瞭解香港的主要參考文獻。

面對頻繁的工作,記者仍然心繫與會員溝通,當中一項主要工作是定期出版《記者之聲》季刊。本年度已印製四期,最新一期將於八月出版。這本季刊能如期出版,有賴七人編輯委員會和眾多義工努力而成,相信他們的努力,已在讀者的讚賞聲中獲得回報。

會員增長接近一成

由於本會工作得到業界認同,會員人數不斷增加(見表二)。在去年六月下旬現屆執委接任時,本會有439名會員,二月時攀升至590人,增幅超過三成,但其後因部分會員轉行或未能及時繳交會費,以致最新的會員人數降至482人,在去年的高水平上,仍能維持一成的增長,成績仍是可觀的。在此,我們期望來屆執委繼續努力,使會員人數更上層樓,而因為事忙而老是忘記交會費的「過期」會員快快補交會費或重新入會,因為會員人數不單是本會的工作指標,更是本會為大家繼續爭取的力量來源。

總括而言,以一個十二人的執委會和兩名全職員工之力,而能完成以上的工作,除有賴各執行委員的熱誠投入之外,更須感激一眾會員和非會員、業界和非業界的無私奉獻和支持,本會僅向他們致謝。

在來屆,梁頌恩、黃雅斌、任美貞及古治雄等四名執委或因工作轉變或因個人理由,沒有參選本屆的執委選舉,執委會在此向他們致謝,並祝願他們在新工作有更大發揮。


香港記者協會2010/11年度執行委員會
2011年6月25日


表一:記協過去一年就捍衛新聞和言論自由的工作

聲明/公開信/記者會 意見書 遊行、請願、與官員會面
1 聲明譴責內地公安,通緝《經濟觀察報》記者,打壓新聞自由 (30/7) 就私隱條例修訂提交意見書 (12) 與政府新聞處會面,表達對政府濫開吹風會的關注 (9/8)
2 就香港記者採訪撐廣州粵語運動以「擾亂公眾場所秩序」被拘捕,中聯辦 (2/8) 與撐港台運動到港台請願 (25/8)
3 聲明反對政府公布的香港電台《約章》及委任的顧問委員會 (13/8) 到菲律賓駐港領事館遞交請願信.抗議總統阿基諾三世諉過傳媒。(26/8
4 聲明反對菲總統阿基諾三世諉過傳媒直播馬尼拉挾持人質事件 (26/8) 與警方會面,商討突發新聞發放問題 (29/10)
5 召開記者會,批評警方不通報突發新聞訊息 (12/9) 與消防處會面,商討突發新聞發放問題(1/11
6 聲明祝賀劉曉波獲諾貝爾獎 (8/10) 與支聯會等合辦釋放諾貝爾和平獎得主劉曉波燭光集會 (22/11)
7 去信衛生署,反映署方頻頻深夜發新聞稿 (28/10)
8 就《蘋果日報》被拒採訪亞運,去信中聯辦及亞奧理事會 (19/11)
9 聲明譴責內地公安,對香港記者採訪遭掌摑視若無睹 (10/12)
10 聲明就記者採訪茉莉花革命被阻撓,促請中央政府尊重記者的採訪自由 (27/2)
11 聲明譴責地鐵借抽廣告影響傳媒編採自主 (22/4)

表二:記協截至2011624日會員人數

  正式會員 附屬會員 公關會員 學生會員 退休會員 總數
10-11年度會員人數 331 26 30 85 10 482
10-11年度新會員人數 78 4 6 66 0 152
10-11年度已過期會員人數 54 3 9 50 0 116



為您服務的新執行委員會

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】香港記者協會二零一一至二零一二年度執行委員會選舉經已結束,十二人的執委會已於本年六月二十五日的周年會員大會上誕生,他們將會為各位會員服務,名單如下:



主席 Chairperson
Ms. MAK Yin-ting 麥燕庭


副主席 Vice-chairperson
Ms. Zoe HUNG 孔雪怡

執行委員 Executive Committee
Ms. CHAN Kin-kai 陳健佳
Ms. CHAN Miu-ling 陳妙玲
Ms. Kaman CHEUNG 張嘉雯
Mr. Don GASPER 唐納德
Mr. Stanley LEUNG 梁錦雄
Ms. Maisy LO 盧曼思
Mr. LUI Tsz-lok 雷子樂
Mr. Jackie SAM 岑亞志
Ms. SHAM-Yee-lan 岑倚蘭
Ms. Phyllis TSANG 曾錦雯



記協成員七一參加遊行 捍衛選舉權

香港記者協會

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】約五十名記協會員和支持者響應本會號召上街,表達對立法會議席出缺遞補機制諮詢不足的不滿,亦憂慮有關機制剝奪市民選舉權利,廣義而言,有損市民表達自由。 ( 蔡詠梅攝 ) 
We joined the rally to expressed their condemnation against the lack of public consultation on the vacancy filling mechanism of Legco. We also worried that the de facto deprivation of voting right by the mechanism weaken freedom of expression in broad term. (Photograph by Choi Wing-mui )


《晴報》面世 壹傳媒加入戰團 免費報業進入戰國時代

《記者之聲》

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】香港第五分免費報章《晴報》在七月二十七日面世後,未有引起公眾太多關注,但卻激起香港銷量三甲之一的《蘋果日報》加入免費報章戰團,有意在月內出版《爽報》,無論《蘋果日報》的舉動會否再引起新的競爭者加入,免費報業市場的競爭肯定將進入戰國時代。

多年來堅持不出版免費報章以免分薄銷路的《蘋果日報》,八月五日突然「自爆」會出版免費報章,令行內人大感意外,奇怪有誰令老闆「占美黎」來個一百八十度轉變?八卦之下,風聞是台灣《蘋果日報》主席葉一堅游說的成果。「堅哥」眼見《晴報》面世,成為香港第四分免費中文報紙,加上英文《虎報》,即接近三成全港報章為免費報章,《蘋果》怎能缺席?一語中的,「占美黎」拍板去馬。

當然,不能缺席的背後,是免費報紙的龐大廣告市場。試想想,連香港經濟日報集團出版的《晴報》在內,免費報章日產二百萬分,數量比收費報章總發行量還多,自然會吸引以銷量為投放廣告主要考量的商人,意味收費報部分廣告日後會琵琶別抱,若不霸佔市場,廣告收益難免會受影響,這可能亦是打動深具商人本色的「占美黎」的原因。

據瞭解,壹傳媒計劃短期內出版的《爽報》,可能會借鏡台灣《蘋果日報》的同名免費報,走社會新聞路線,以便與《蘋果日報》作出區分。每日發行量過百萬分。

至於刺激香港《爽報》面世的《晴報》,首日出紙四十頁,分別是新聞(港聞加中國)九頁、財經四頁、國際三頁,副刊約六頁,而娛樂則是重頭戲,共有八頁。

自從首分免費報章《都市日報》在二○○五年創刊帶動潮流後,到現時的第五分免費報,《晴報》總編輯潘少權表示,相信市場仍有空間,讀者願意閱讀第四分免費報。

至於為何會以《晴報》命名,該報在創刊號指出,面對近年香港出現急劇變化,「我們需要正能量,而非自怨自艾。」《晴報》取名「晴」,表示無論晴天、陰天,還是下雨天,希望讀者們以「日日好心情」積極迎接每天的新挑戰。在內容上,《晴報》走大眾化路線,希望讓讀者覺得新刊物「有趣、易讀和令人愉快」。

對於新聞從業員來說,多一分報紙代表多一些就業機會,但免費報業的成功,又會否進一步威脅收費報章的生存,從而影響現職從業員的在存空間,則要拭目以待。


《南早》招聘大量人手挽士氣

《記者之聲》

[ENG]記聲2011年8月號】《南華早報》的高層變動恍如世紀連續劇,持續有新發展。繼來自新加坡的總編輯Reg Chua於3月份離去後,七月流傳2年前與他一同進入《南早》的執行總編輯David Lague亦已告請辭,但仍未聽聞有接任人選,再加上各部組的記者大量流失,情況有點兵荒馬亂。

在過去一季,《南早》的記者離職情況較頻密,除了港聞採訪主任陳旭權離職跳糟馬會任公關外,教育組編輯Liz Heron請辭歸英國老家,政治組記者 Fanny 跳糟《信報》,最令人驚訝的是,作為本港老牌英文大報、尤其針對法律專業讀者的《南早》法庭版,目前只有1名年輕記者,現時署任老總、跑法庭新聞出身的Cliff Buddle 大概也已留意到問題。八月初,《南早》終於刊出招聘大量記者的廣告,除了法庭要補充多個名額之外,醫療、政治、保安、偵查報導都說明要聘請資深記者。

這次招聘人手的舉措,不知能否挽回《南早》的士氣?


[ENG]
記協主席麥燕庭於晚會上致辭。

主席麥燕庭向榮譽主禮嘉賓香港交易及結算所集團行政總裁,李小加先生送贈一幅漫畫肖像。

李小加先生捐出名為「翠彩精靈」的法藍瓷花瓶,由金利豐金融集團有 限公司行政總裁朱李月華女士投得。其他拍賣品如周潤發先生的攝影大 作連親筆簽名、顧明均先生捐出的Richebourg – Domaine de la Romanee Conti, 1998 紅酒一支及黎智英先生捐出的家宴,均為記協籌得不少款項。

蕭炯柱先生跟孫允朝先生帶領著青年音樂訓練基金樂團為記協晚會演奏,贏得台下不少掌聲。

前新聞主播柳俊江跟曾志豪以楝篤笑形式論盡傳媒眾生色相,令到會場笑聲不絕。



曾志豪的鬼馬令到李小加笑不攏嘴。

音樂人區新明跟傳媒合唱團唱出前線新聞工作者的心聲。



繆美詩跟楊吉璽為晚會主持,二人令到現場氣氛生色不少。


Police abandon Police General Orders for July 1 confrontation

Ken Lui - Executive Member, HKJA

[中文][Aug 2011 - The JournalistAfter the July 1 demonstration police cleared the area with overwhelming force, arrested more than 200 demonstrators and, in the process, used pepper-sprays to subdue resistance. Some of the reporters on the spot were also roughly handled by the police. At least 19 frontline reporters were pepper-sprayed; some sprayed directly in the face even after identifying themselves to be reporters. Others were pushed, hit by the police and even choked or held down by their heads. One was arrested.

The police on high alert, using pepper spray on demonstrators and reporters
When the police were clearing the area around Central, they extended their blockade to Admiralty during which they deliberately harassed a TV cameraman who had clearly identified himself.

On July 15 the Hong Kong Journalists Association and the Hong Kong Press Photographers Association sent five representatives to meet with the Police Public Relations Bureau to discuss the police mistreatment of reporters, use of excessive force and severely hindering freedom of reporting.

HKJA and the police first discussed the issue of the police blockade.

According to Chapter 39 of Police General Orders police at a crime scene “must act with an attitude of understanding and mutual respect, and do their best to work with the media, and should not try to hinder video-taping by media”.

The Chairperson of HKJA, Ms. Mak Yin-ting, pointed out that while the police were clearing the demonstrators, for a period of time the blockade was unreasonably extended. They were clearing people in Central but the police blockade was extended all the way to Admiralty.

Unreasonable blockade during crowd dispersal.
“Less dogmatism, more flexibility”

HKJA pointed out that during such police action it is not reasonable to impose a blockade larger than necessary. Mak Yin-ting stated that HKJA had consulted human-rights lawyers and their conclusion was that an excessive blockade is tantamount to “confinement”.

Mr Li Kin-fai, Chief Superintendent of PPRB responded by saying that when police took action a blockade must be established, one purpose of which was to separate the people that are involved from those that are not. He also said that when police clear an area, reporters clearly displaying identification will not be arrested. Mak Yin-ting responded immediately that when the reporters cover an event, there is a need for them to stay at the scene to observe, so excessive restrictions are intolerable. “Police cannot expect the reporters to automatically follow your orders to leave. Even reporters working at Zhongnanhai operate under these rules.”
HKJA also tried to discuss the fracas and police harassment of reporters who could clearly prove their identities. One of them was a cameraman of a TV station. He had left his backpack and reporter’s ID inside his company’s vehicle but he was carrying a full-size camcorder with the TV station’s logo when he tried to enter the area. Yet the police insisted that he must show his reporter’s ID before he could be allowed into the blocked off area.

Even though his colleague, a TV reporter, told the police that they were employees of the same station, the police still tried to stop him. He was allowed to enter only after a long argument.

The representatives of HKJA expressed opposition to such police attitudes, saying such situations should be handled with less dogmatism and more flexibility in order not to hinder the work of reporters.

The police representatives insisted that the only way to prove a reporter’s credential was for the reporter to show his proper ID card. A HKJA representative replied that his organization would remind all reporters to carry IDs at work but, nevertheless, expressed disapproval of the bureaucratic attitude of the police.
He said that since the cameraman was carrying a full-sized camcorder with his TV station’s logo, and his colleague had also vouched for him, the police should not have persisted in denying him entry into the enclosed area. “Are you trying to tell me that after all this the police still suspected that person to be a thief who had stolen a TV station’s camcorder to impersonate as a reporter?”

Trainee reporter arrested

The police representative later agreed that this kind of situation should be handled with more flexibility.
During the police operation, at least 19 reporters were pepper-sprayed. An HKJA representative pointed out that while reporters working in such chaotic situation were mentally prepared for such eventualities, and as long as the policemen do deliberately target newsmen, the reporters will not protest. However, he pointed out that during the clearing of demonstrators, some reporters were deliberately pushed and hit by the police, and a reporter from the print media was deliberately sprayed in the face – after identifying himself. Furthermore a number of reporters were subdued by policemen who pushed them down and held them down their heads. HKJA made it clear that such actions were not acceptable.

The police representative said they had not received any information concerning such kind of incidents, and stated that these kinds of actions should not have taken place. If they did, the reporters should file complaints.
The HKJA representative countered that while working at the scene, the reporters’ first priority was to record the situation there, so hardly any of them will waste their time to argue with the police over such issues.
I believe all reporters who had previously dealt with the Independent Police Complaints Council hold a certain degree of doubt about the trustworthiness of the organization.

Another issue raised by HKJA was the arrest of a 19-year-old trainee reporter when police were clearing the demonstration area because she did not carry her reporter’s ID. The police treated her as a demonstrator.
The HKJA representative pointed out that she was arrested while she was standing next to her TV cameraman who was carrying a full-size camcorder, which should have indicated that she was a reporter at work. But the police department representative stated that she was not able to produce an ID and that “at the scene she did not declare that she was a reporter”. The report made by that reporter does not agree with such a statement.

Police media team on-the-spot

The police representative also said the reporter did not declare herself to be a reporter in her statement given to the police. The HKJA representative questioned him immediately if any police officer, who should know the investigation procedure in detail, had given her clear instructions about her rights, and how she could file a complaint if she wanted to?

A day before this meeting, Andy Tsang Wai Hung ,Commissioner of Police replied in public to the questions concerning what happened that evening by declaring that “nobody has special privileges”.

He claimed that all those arrested that evening were people who were believed to have been involved in illegal activities, and alleged that “the attitude of behaving uncooperatively on one hand and using the media to air accusations on the other does not help the investigation”.

During my interview with the trainee reporter she said she had repeatedly informed the police that she was a reporter doing her job yet the police chose to ignore her claims.

After her release, she was only told that she must report back to the police station in December. Nobody told her whether she could or could not provide the police with information concerning her being retained without proper cause in this period of time.

There were numerous instances of reporters being wrongly manhandled during the clearing operation. Joseph Tung, Superintendent of PBRB, who also attended the meeting, said that their media team whose duty was to coordinate action between police and media workers, was at the scene, as they always were when there were activities involving large crowds.
The police employing headlocks and handcuffs, even on reporters. (Photograph courtesy of Ming Pao)

Anyone got through to PPRB yet?

But the HKJA representative questioned the effectiveness of the team's efforts, saying that if the police media team functioned as it was supposed to, there would not have been any undesirable encounters that night.
He asked the police to provide a channel so that there could be immediate communication. This could be just a cell phone number, so that if any conflict arose between police and media workers in future, a member of the police media team could be quickly summoned to settle conflicts.

The reply from the police was that the reporter could call the hotline of the media section of the PBRB.
My question: When was the last time any reporter managed to get through to the PBRB?

Besides the problems of the July 1 demonstration, the representatives of HKJA and HKPPA also complained about the restrictions imposed the media outside Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in the Hong Kong SAR. HKPPA representatives pointed out that recently the police had begun to bar media photographers from the flower boxes area outside the building, which is the best spot for taking pictures. The police have been instructing reporters to take pictures in the area designated for the media which does not directly face the main entrance.

The HKPPA representative pointed out that the reason given by the police was that “it is dangerous to stand behind the flower boxes”, but at the same time, policemen are allowed to stand on the flower boxes to monitor the demonstrators. HKJA expressed its strong protest against this so-called “reason”, which it describes as “unintelligent”, and requested the police department to withdraw this restriction.

The police representative promised that the Western Police Station would follow up on this. Well, we have documented their official reply here. So, let's see.


Translated by Chan Hung-chee



July 1 Protest: Reporters targeted by police

Ho Wing Hong

[中文][Aug 2011 - The JournalistI do not have much experience covering large-scale protests. But this year I was one of those at the scene of the scuffles which erupted in the evening of July 1. I was witness to the confrontation between the protestors, police and members of the press.

There were two “war fronts” that evening. I spent more time following People Power's protest at the Bank of China Tower. In fact, when the first protesters walking in front of the rally, which was made up of more than one thousand people, reached Admiralty, the police blockade had already taken shape in front of BOC Tower.

The Police Tactical Unit in formation, surrounding demonstrators opposite the Bank of China Building.
There, PTU members had formed a solid line across the two-way traffic lanes. Many police vehicles were parked behind them. This police formation sent an obvious message to everyone who came by: No crossing this line regardless.

The first question that popped up in my mind was: The People Power protestors are going to Government House, which is farther up the hill. What will happen if they are blocked at the bottom of the hill? Will they simply leave peacefully, after chanting a few slogans?

The protesters of People Power were relatively well organised. They had not planned to confront the police in their thousands. The key players were the several dozens walking ahead of the crowd, all wearing face masks. Together with some prominent legislators, they took up two traffic lanes.

These demonstrators were outnumbered by newsmen on their flanks, mainly photographers jostling for best positions for pictures should scuffles break out. In other words, demonstrators in front kept close to each other to form a front. A considerable number of policemen and reporters were scattered about. I and two other colleagues were walking alongside some police officers.

Red warning raised after pepper sprays

The police at the back first raised two orange coloured banners with the warning: “Police Cordon. Do Not Cross”. Some distance away, police used a loudspeaker to read out the warning. The volume was low, and drowned out by surrounding noise. I could not hear the words clearly, and doubt if anyone else could.
When the scuffles first erupted, it was the protesters and police who confronted each other, with reporters trapped in between. We were being forced to the side, and then pushed back to the centre again by the police.Before I could think of what would happen next, a hot and bitter feeling struck my throat. This was the first shot of pepper spray by the police, which hit all reporters at the front. No reporter went unscathed.

Here came my second query: It was more than obvious that we all were reporters, holding cameras in our hands. So why did the police use force and pepper-spray us?

Four minutes went by. We still had not recovered from our shock. A protester suddenly threw at the police something the size of a fist. This triggered a second round of pepper sprays, my two cameramen and a number of other photographers were shot in their face and body. I was lucky, I only sustained burning pain in my right hand.


A few seconds later, police at the back raised another red banner carrying these words: “Stop Charging, Or We Use Force”. One may question the definition of “force”, or whether it includes the use of pepper sprays. However, police showed the red warning banner only after firing a second round of sprays. Wasn't it a little too late?
Reporters bearing the brunt of police pepper spray. 

(Photograph courtesy of Ming Pao)
In the next one hour and more, both People Power protesters and the police calmed down. I was assigned to support colleagues at Connaught Road where police would soon take action to remove members of the League of Social Democrats who were lying on the road and blocking traffic. But we were stopped by the police from proceeding beyond the Hong Kong Club. That area had been declared a restricted zone.

“Cast a wide net, capture all”

We could not show our staff cards, which were left in the company vehicle. But since we were a television reporting crew, our equipment carry the company logo, which identifies us. In spite of that, we were told by the police that no one, including reporters, could enter the area.

Here came my next query. The police had the situation well under control and they had started to remove protesters from the site. Why should they still put up such an extensive restricted zone. Besides us, other reporters were also blocked from entering. We had no choice but to detour to take a longer path through the passenger tunnel near the old Star Ferry Piers to City Hall.

In recent protests, the police have resorted to various tactics to restrain and circumscribe protesters, following up with site clearance and arrests. When protesters refuse to leave or they block the road, the police will encircle them. Even if they later calm down or decide to quit, or are willing to listen to police's call and leave, they will not be allowed to do so. In other words, it is certain that they will be arrested once they are encircled, and will end up in the police station.

Reporters at clearance sites will have to show their staff card before they are allowed to leave. Those who fail to do so will be taken as “demonstrator suspects who attempt to escape from the scene”. This is despite the fact that they are carrying large TV cameras with company logos, and equipment like tripods and ladders. This time, we met with difficult moments negotiating with the police before their commander came on the scene and ordered us to leave.

This also tells the reason why Law Yuk Kai of Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor, who was there as an observer and stayed on that evening until the last minute, was almost taken away by the police near the end of the incident. This is all part of the police's strategy of “casting a wide net to capture all”.

The police may blame the reporters for ignoring the messy situation and hunting news around at the frontlines. But that is precisely the role of the media: to stay at the front, observe and identify those who abuse their freedoms as well as their powers, and to truthfully bring to the attention of the general public events as they unfold out there.


Translated by Melanie Wan


On the frontline: Pepper-sprayed by the police

Patrick Cheung Ka Ho

[中文][Aug 2011 - The JournalistOn the evening of July 1, I was stricken with grief and gladness at the same time.

I was glad to hear loud and clear Hong Kong people saying no to the government's plan to do away with by-elections to fill vacancies in the Legislative Council.

But I was sad the police had to pepper-spray me and to resort to violence. This made me suddenly realize the ballooning power of the police force.

I was slapped a few times on the face by the police. 
(Photograph by Liu Ngan-hung)
What used to be a force that protected members of the public has now degenerated into a machine that only executes orders from the top.

As a "peppered" journalist it is incumbent upon me to give an unvarnished version of what happened that night.

But let me make it clear first that as a young journalist I had come across such malicious tactics by the police during several protests. To be honest I have not been impressed by the approach of the force.

This article is, admittedly, hardly objective. But please allow me to adopt a phrase widely used in local online forum, "Don't like, don't attack", meaning if a reader doesn't like the article, please don't criticize the writer.

There were two big battles that night. I was responsible for covering the march organized by the People's Power party from Wan Chai to Central. In fact, it was extremely quiet along the way without any indication that fierce battles would erupt later.

The marchers sat down for a few minutes after every ten steps. Party members followed the commands of Wong Yuk-man. Policemen kept pace on the side, not saying anything. They allowed the marchers to continue until the reached the Bank of China building.

Slapped on the face

At that point the police suddenly stepped up its guard against the group.

They formed a two-line cordon, with anti-riot police wielding shields in the rear. Further back were several hundred officers standing by as backup. At about 11:30 the front row officers started to tighten the cordon, keeping journalists at bay as well. But the tension then was not high at all. The Police did not issue any warnings, not to say anything about using pepper sprays.

Following a 15-minute standoff with the Police, Wong Yuk-man suddenly ran up to the Police cordon line. A large group of journalists surrounded him. Wong Yuk-man told reporters that they would "walk towards" the Police line, and asked reporters to step back a bit, otherwise they would not be able to film anything.

The proceedings were peaceful – until Wong Yuk-man finished speaking. A large group of People's Power members then began pushing forward. With about 100 protestors surging to the front, about a dozen reporters found themselves carried towards the police line.

At that moment I was pushed by a strong force from behind towards the police line. As soon as physical contact with the policemen happened, the officers pushed me back to the protesters. A scuffle ensued.

I was already waving my press card, clearly telling the officers who I was. I even shouted to the officers: "Those pushing forward are the protesters at the back."

But the officers ignored what I said and shouted back at us, "You, don't mess around." "Try pushing again!" And then: "You are trying to assault police officers!"

Tension among the police was as high as the protesters, if not higher. At the same time, they continued pushing us like they were sumo wrestlers. The police may say this is restrained defensive action, but to me it was "aggressive defence". I was slapped on my face and neck several times that night.

Soon protesters and officers were in a melee, scuffling for about half a minute. Sandwiched between police and protestors, I and several other journalists were crushed to the ground.

Pepper sprays most effective

I was about to get up to tell the police that there were journalists caught in the scuffle. But in that split second, an officer in the third row of the police cordon suddenly fired pepper sprays at me. I was trying to focus on identifying ourselves to the officers in the front row so I didn't hear any warnings from other officers. I didn't know that they would resort to using weapons. As I was totally unaware of the situation, my hair, eyes, mouth and neck were "completely peppered".

I must say, though, that the pepper sprays were most effective. I could not open my eyes at all and lost vision for about five minutes. Luckily, an officer pulled me out of the melee, and kept pouring water on me so that I recovered my vision.

After that, I walked up to the officer who sprayed me to identify myself as a journalist. I asked him why he used pepper sprays on me and why there was no advance warning. But he only said: "I don't care. I only saw you clashing with us.”

Much later I watched some footages and found that while the police were using pepper sprays, they were unfurling a warning banner at the back. But there were over 100 people massed together at that very moment. Many journalists and protesters had already fallen down. In such a chaotic moment who would notice a little banner being raised at the back? And the police have no evidence to show they had issued a warning "in advance".

This is not the first time that journalists have been treated violently by the police. Last year when government officials hit the streets to promote its "Act Now" campaign, the police also considered journalists as protesters, blocking us as much as they could. The question is: Does the police respect press freedom?

Journalists do not enjoy any special privileges. But this does not mean officers can use violence against members of the public and journalists. I was caught between the police and protesters that night.

Apart from describing my personal experience, I have found a few video clips about what happened that night. Hopefully they will the gaps in my report.


Hyperlinks:

Footage 1: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T4oG4boHquQ(04:50、08:40)


Footage 2: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l3xZ793b5UY


Footage 3: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RqfItr0HV-4



Translated by Altis Wong